Concept and International experience of privatization

Concept and International experience of privatization
Bhakit Ram Ghimire
Advocate
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Concept:
Privatization is the process of transferring an enterprise or industry from the public sector to the private sector. The public sector is the part of the economic system that is run by government agencies. Privatization may involve either sale of government-held assets or removal of restrictions preventing private individuals and businesses from participating in a given industry. [1]
Privatization is an ongoing trend in many parts of the developed and developing world. Proponents of privatization maintain that the competition in the private sector fosters more efficient practices, which eventually yield better service and products, lower prices and less corruption. On the other hand, critics of privatization argue that some services - such as health care, utilities, education and law enforcement - should be in the public sector to enable greater control and ensure more equitable access.[2]
The Role of the State
Since privatization is aim at reducing the role of the state, and for the same reason expanding that of the private sector, it is useful to recall the various reasons why governments have taken on the functions that they do that are later targets for privatization. First, governments are expecting to provide the necessary regulatory, legal, and security environment for the private sector to undertake its functions. Devoted neoliberals see this as the only major function that should be performed by the state. Crucial among these functions is the need to guarantee property rights, free disposal of property, and appropriation of the fruits arising from its use, and the facilitation and protection of contractual obligations. The second function relates to the provisions of pure public goods and services such as those related to security and defense, basic health, education, and sanitation and water. The third function concerns the provision of goods and services, such as the low level of development, market failures, missing markets or value chains, the small size of the local market, or excessive costs of production.[3]

Why Is Privatization Important?
Since 1979, many countries have embarked on the course of privatization which has changed the economic landscape around the world. Privatization has spread too many industries, including those that had never been privately owned. Privatization has transformed command economies in post-communist countries into decentralized ones. It has changed the political balance of power in many societies and revolutionized global financial markets. Yet, the intellectual debate on the benefits of privatization is far from over. The available research shows that the impact of privatization on the privatized firms and on the economy and society depends on many variables including political and economic institutions. There are significant complementarities between privatization and other reforms. It also matters how privatization is structured and who the new owners are. In particular, there are substantial benefits to opening up to foreign ownership.[4]

Two important cases that are often referred to as evidence against privatization: Russia and China. In Russia, privatization seems to have produced few benefits for the privatized firms or for society, whereas China has managed to pursue a reform package that has not so far included the mass privatization of state-owned enterprises and yet has produced very impressive results. We argue that in both cases–as well as in other controversial privatization examples such as Latin America–the outcomes can be explained within the conventional framework once one accounts for an appropriate counterfactual.

International experience of privatization
The grow­ing movement to privatize industries, services, and agencies and the changed conception of government's role are products of pragmatism: the state-owned sector is not working, and enormous subsidies to maintain money-losing enterprises and services only get bigger. The conviction is growing that private entrepreneurs can manage industries more effectively and operate services more efficiently and at lower cost to the public than can the government. Evidence supporting private enterprise over public ownership has emerged in areas of every continent. Now summarizes some of the current endeavors and successes of different regions.

Europe
Much has been said of the shining example of privatization provided by the Thatcher government in Great Britain. Motivated by the desire to promote public share ownership in divested state enterprises and to introduce competition and market discipline into fields that had been monopolized by the government, Thatcher's administration believes privatization will bring both greater efficiency and widespread consumer benefits. The program has resulted in more than 850,000 ten­ants becoming owners of houses formerly owned by local government authorities; majority private control of British Telecommunications achieved through share offering in a flotation surpassed in size only by the sale of British Gas Corporation two years later; and disposal of a variety of other enterprises ranging from road haulage to hotels to an automobile plant. The new shareholders of British Telecom realized in immediate profit on their holdings, and telephone service has improved substantially under private management. Complete privati­zation, combined with reduction of the government's share in other enterprises, netted nearly $30 billion within the eighteen months following divestment.
To reduce its losses, Spain's National Industrial Institute has been ordered to reduce sharply the number of companies it controls. The government plans to privatize national energy holdings and is luring foreign interests from the United States, Japan, and the rest of Europe. In 1985, West Germany stated plans for initial privatization activities. Deregulation and the arrival of international investment banks have opened up the bond market, though foreign investors are not entirely assimilated.
French privatization was launched in November 1986, only eight months after the election of a conservative parliament. Projects have included a public offering of 50 percent of Saint Gobain, a state-owned glass and special materials group. It's interesting to note that when trading opened a month after the offering, shares were placed 18 percent above offer price.
Turkey has extensive plans for privatization and the necessary legis­lation in place to dispose of a number of state enterprises, but results thus far are limited to the sale of toll-collection rights for a Bosporus bridge and the Keban Dam. Currently for sale are state-owned cement and fertilizer companies, among others. For some time Canada has been in the process of reducing the government's stake in some of its Crown Corporations by selling them to the private sector; in particu­lar, the conglomerate Canada Development Corporation is now almost entirely in private hands. In the past year, completed sales include Canadair Limited (the state aircraft maker), some mines, two transport development companies, and an airline.
Privatization in Britain and elsewhere has not been without its critics. The British government has been accused of selling national assets simply as a means of increasing revenues to avoid the politically unpleasant necessity of raising tax rates. The parliamentary opposi­tion has vowed to reverse privatization if it should come to power; but as the election of June 1987 shows, the political constituency that benefits from privatization continues to grow, and it will be increasingly difficult and costly to revert to government ownership.
The Less-Developed Countries
Increasing interest in privatization in the LDCs is reflected in the growing number of requests for advice and assistance received over the past three years by the missions of the United States Agency for International Development in establishing privatization plans. indicative of LDC concern are the figures that emerged from a cable sent by the U.S. Depart­ merit of the Treasury to all embassies and missions in April 1985 seeking information on the status of privatization efforts at each post. All but four of the nearly sixty replies received indicated that divestment and privatization of state-owned industries and services was of concern to their governments. The reason for interest most often cited was the untenable financial pressures exerted by continued subsidies. It was evident from the replies that one of the major obstacles to more rapid privatization was simply a lack of knowledge about how to go about the process. All too often, governments see divestment as the simple process of announcing a willingness to sell and finding a suitable buyer at a price the government is willing to accept. One of the more difficult tasks facing the missions is to convince LDC governments that privatization can often be a slow, frustrating activity.
Hand in hand with privatization go assistance in developing cap­ital markets, provision of credit facilities, and reform of macroeconomic policies so that the private sector can expand. Governments must be made aware that little will be gained from privatization if industries are protected from market forces. In some countries the private sector is not sufficiently developed to provide the domestic financing necessary to buy state-owned firms. And there may be resistance to allow­ing sales to private foreign investors where this is seen as leading toward loss of national control over industrial development. Governments need to be assured that this need not be the case. Examples of successful joint ventures can be cited to allay these fears. Following are examples of some of the projects that have been undertaken.
 Asia
With some exceptions, privatization in the developing world has been hampered by the lack of capital markets, especially legal ones, and by severely limited credit facilities available to the private sector. Privati­zation cannot take place unless there is enough capital in private hands to provide potential buyers for state divestiture. Substantial progress has been made in Southeast Asia in developing sophisticated financial institutions; consequently, privatization has made correspondingly greater progress there than in the rest of the developing world. A second major difficulty faced by many countries is that there is no real knowledge of the extent of the public sector: commitments have been made by numerous ministries, without central coordination, and as a result the government may find itself with a financial interest in enterprises over which it has exercised no control.
In Southeast Asia, Malaysia has shown an especially strong interest in privatization, in part because of the examples furnished by Singapore and Hong Kong, and in part because of the Prime Minister's interest. The government sold a minority interest in Malaysian Airlines System and expects to relinquish majority control by 1988. After revamping the fleet of the Malaysian International Shipping Company, the government partially privatized it in late 1986, and facilities at Port Kiang have also been sold to the private sector. Maintenance of the Malaysian national air force is privatized. Much more ambitious is the proposed divestment of the national telecommunications system, using the British example. In this case as in others where international business is developing rapidly, the government is faced with the prospect of investing heavily in the modernization of the national communications system or having business bypass it for more efficient private systems. Privatization is the logical alternative.
Thailand plans to privatize its telecommunications system as well as its railroads and municipal transport systems, but these plans have not yet come to fruition. The government has resolved to curtail its involvement in the oil sector as well. Formation of a privatization plan is now under consideration. The Philippines government has launched a program to sell 36 companies owned by the National Development Corporation, including refining and marketing companies, that were taken over to prevent their collapse when they failed under private management. President Aquino completely dismantled the energy ministry during her early months in power, indicating her dedication to limited state control.
Among the less-developed nations in the area, Bangladesh has taken a major step toward returning to private ownership the jute mills, which were nationalized more than a decade ago. More than 400 public sector assets have been divested, including newspapers, a fishing fleet, chemical- and food-processing plants, and 8 percent of the government owned steel and engineering corporation. Four of the six nationalized commercial banks were sold to the private sector. Since 1982 the country has begun deregulation of investment. Since the 1970s the number of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) has dropped from 90 percent of industrial assets to 40 percent. Food subsidies dropped from 12.5 to 8.5 percent of the national budget between 1978 and 1985; during the same period agricultural subsidies dropped from 10 to 2.4 percent.
In the Far East, Japan has reduced its comparatively small public sector with the partial sale of Nippon Telegraph & Telephone, and it plans to sell the national airline, railways, and rhe tobacco monop­oly. The government expects that competition will make these firms more efficient and profitable. Finally, under the guise of improving socialism, the People's Republic of China has initiated widespread reforms in agriculture and industry aimed at improving individual incentive and industrial productivity.
Latin America
Privatization has had a somewhat checkered history in Latin America. In Chile, the military government has long been committed to privati­zation: more than a decade ago, the bulk of state-owned firms was sold to the private sector, and the public school system was privatized. The results were not always good; many firms failed and had to be rescued by the government. The experiment has served to strengthen the private sector, however, and has led to the establishment of private pension funds alongside the existing state fund.
In Mexico, President de la Madrid's government announced the divestment of 236 state-owned companies early in his term, but thus far fewer than fifty have been put up for sale (although these include important hotels and auto-making firms). Questions have been raised about the seriousness of the government's intent, since sale of some obvious candidates has been refused based on the familiar argument of strategic importance to national security. A major move was the introduction of debt-free equity in the summer of 1986, equity with about $700 million already approved and $500 million in processing. The program is considered a resounding success.
In Argentina, the civilian government is developing plans for privatization, but they are at an initial stage. The YPF would like to transfer some producing oil fields but the terms are still undecided, and some chemical assets have been put up for sale. In late 1986 President Raul Alfonsin launched a program of improvement that includes reducing his central administration, and he developed ?holding company to run state enterprises by more market-oriented principles in tariffs and employment. The law requires special congressional authorization for the sale of major state companies (including YPF), but not for the sale of a number of mixed capital enterprises.
Honduras, Belize, and Jamaica have all tackled privatization aggressively during the past two years. A variety of divestitures and leasing arrangements have been developed across a wide range of industries and service sectors.
Africa
Privatization on the African continent has been progressing more slowly in part because of financial constraints, a lack of how-to knowledge, and political hesitation by governments. In only three cities of sub- Saharan Africa-Abidjan, Nairobi, and Harare-can there be said to exist a fledgling capital market. The pressure on governments to reduce the burden of subsidies is growing; in some cases African governments have been refused loans from commercial banks because their portfo­lios are entirely committed to servicing tile debt and operating subsi­dies of the public sector.
In West Africa, Togo has made the most energetic efforts toward privatization. Run by a military dictatorship, the country is extremely stable politically though it is one of the world's poorest nations. It has no ,tock exchange, so SOE sales are conducted through government negotiations. Buyers were first offered leasing deals. which require less capital outlay than outright purchase; then sales of assets became pos­sible. Under tile direction of the minister of state enterprises, all of the country's fifty-eight public sector enterprises are up for disposal. The first project was tile sale of the state steel company, then the state oil refining and storage unit was leased to a private U.S. firm. The government has contracted European managers for some enterprises. Currently for sale are a recording studio, a trucking firm, and a salt producing company.
Some question the wisdom of selling the state assets of develop­ing countries to foreign investors, but a good sign for Togo's economy is the flight of capital from neighboring countries increasingly directed into Lome, the nation's capital. Privatization is only one element of a national economic policy that is beginning 'o pay dividends: Loine is the site of West Africa's first private offshore bank, which will finance regional projects. And in January 1987, for the first time in several years, the Togo government was not forced to reschedule debts.
Kenya's Task Force on Privatization has for the past three years been examining the disposal of some of the country's more than 400 enterprises in which the government has an interest. Progress has been delayed because of political reservations about selling enterprises to the only available buyers particular ethnic groups or foreign multinationals.
More promising prospects for Africa's immediate future appear to lie in leasing and management contracting of state-owned firms, which would avoid political accusations of loss of control. Leasing hotel operations has become common, as in the cases of Niger and Tanzania.

Privatization as a Reduction of Government Overload

A final theory justifying privatization holds that privatization is desirable for its likely political effect in deflecting and reducing demands on the state. In the 1970s, some critics suggested that the Western democracies were suffering from an "overload" of pressure, responsible for excessive spending and poor economic performance. In that framework privatization represents one of several policies encouraging a counterrevolution of declining expectations. In a similar vein, Stuart Butler of the Heritage Foundation has argued that privatization can cure budget deficits by breaking up the kind of public spending coalitions described by public choice theory. Privatizing government enterprises and public services, in this view, will redirect aspirations into the market and encourage a more entrepreneurial consciousness.[5]
The political theory of privatization has several different, overlapping elements. First, the privatization of enterprises is a privatization of employment relations. The advocates of privatization hope to divert employees' wage claims from the public treasury, with its vast capacity for taxing and borrowing, to private employers, who presumably will have more spine in resisting wage demands. Moreover, the proponents hope for a trickle-down of entrepreneurship from the newly privatized managers to the workers; for that very reason, privatizers often are perfectly willing to sell to the workers, at an advantageous price, whole enterprises or at least some proportion of the shares. In addition, by shifting to private contractors even in a few selected areas, government might signal a harder line on wage concessions and thereby weaken public employee unions.
Second, the advocates of privatization hope also for a privatization of beneficiaries' claims. Instead of marching outside of government offices when things go wrong, the privatizers want them to direct their ire to private service providers or better yet, simply to switch to other providers. In other words, privatization could mean a wholesale shift, in Hirschman's terms, from "voice" to ''exit" as the usual and preferred tactic of coping with dissatisfaction.
Third, the privatization of public assets and enterprises is also a privatization of wealth. Advocates such as Margaret Thatcher want privatization to increase the proportion of the population who own shares of stock and therefore take a more positive view of profitmaking. "People's capitalism" is an old idea, but using privatization of public assets to bring it about is new. Moreover, by privatizing other assets such as public housing and Social Security trust funds, privatizers hope to turn public claimants into property owners and engender in them a deeper identification with capitalism. They expect the worker who receives a retirement income from a private pension or individual retirement account to have a more conservative view of the world than that of the worker who depends on rent subsidies and a government check every month.
This political theory of privatization, like the economic and sociological theories, contains empirical predictions as well as normative judgments. The predictions concern the probable effects of privatization on political consciousness and action; the normative judgments concern the desirability of weakening the political foundations of public provision. Empirically, it seems unlikely that contracting-out, vouchers, and other arrangements for paying private providers will reduce pressure on government spending; the contractors are as likely as public employees to lobby for larger budgets.53 However, some forms of privatization may, indeed, change the underlying political values, understandings, and capacities for action in society. Turning public tenants into private homeowners, public employees into private employees, and Social Security beneficiaries into investors in private retirement accounts could very well change their frame of social and political thought. These prospects raise rather different issues from the usual efficiency-minded discussions of privatization; they demand that we consider the meaning of privatization not only as a theory but also as a political practice.[6]
Critics of Privatization

Nonetheless, at the start of the twenty-first century, privatization has been challenged on all fronts. On theoretical level, advances in the New Institutional Economics which have attempted to show that the ideal relationship between these two sectors cannot be settled a priori and universally for all time as its advocates are prone to imply, but very much depends on the specific social and economic circumstances prevailing in a given country. Similarly, Bruce Greenwald and Joseph Stiglitz have shown that the presumed efficiency of the market is highly compromised by the existence of externalities, imperfect information, and imperfect markets.[7] At the empirical level there is now substantial evidence that the presumed efficiency and growth benefits of privatization have not been forthcoming, and that in general, privatization, more often than not, has tended to result in increasing unemployment and inequitable access to key assets and social services. With respect to the role of the state, various studies of the roles undertaken by government in a number of countries, particularly in East Asia, have shown that government involvement in the economy has yielded major long-term social and economic benefits in these countries. More generally, there is an emerging consensus that it is the quality of the state rather than the fact that assets are owned by the state that matters more, and that for developing countries with extensive market and information failures the state should play an important role in promoting equitable development over the long run. At the political level privatization has been challenged by workers affected by attendant retrenchments and the restructuring of internal and external labor markets consequent upon privatization that has resulted in increased worker vulnerability, and by consumers who have often been negatively affected by increased prices based on cost recovery pricing regimes instituted as a consequence of privatization, or by reduction in service provision arising from "efficiency enhancing" measures as a consequence of privatization.[8]
In developing countries in particular, privatization appears to have resulted in the weakening of the state without the necessary substitute in form of a strengthened private sector emerging. This outcome has occurred while growth has become elusive, and while large segments of the population are being socially and economically marginalized and excluded. The euphoria over privatization, if there was ever one, outside of the Bretton Woods Institutions (the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund) and the prospective beneficiaries among a narrow circle of prospective domestic and foreign entrepreneurs, is diminishing as countries seek to find more creative ways of combining the activities of the private and public sectors in a manner that maximizes inclusive growth and generalized welfare gains in the long term. In addition, lessons from the past have been drawn upon to stipulate other conditions under which privatization is likely to succeed.[9]
Some of these conditions relate to process, by requiring that stakeholder involvement be undertaken; the legal/regulatory environment, by requiring that an appropriate legal and regulatory environment needs to be in place prior to privatization to avoid abuse of the process and outcome by benefiting entrepreneurs; to the need for an overall development strategy within which privatization initiatives are undertaken is important especially for developing countries; to the need for social protection, by requiring that social safety nets be in place to protect the losers resulting from privatization; to the need for viable capital markets, by requiring that a country ensure that efficient capital markets are in existence before state assets are privatized.




[1] Hanke, Steve H., ed. Privatization and Development. San Francisco: International Center for Economic Growth, 1987.
[2] "Chicago May Privatize Midway." Airline Industry Information. 6 March 2006.
[3] Hanke, Steve H., ed. Privatization and Development. San Francisco: International Center for Economic Growth, 1987.
[4] Starr, A Response to Mensch and Freeman, 3 Tikkun 31 (Mar./Apr. 1988).3 A. Hirschman, Shifting Involvements: Private Interest and Public Action 121-22 ( 1982) .
[5] Powell & Friedkin, Politics and Programs: Organizational Factors in Public Televislon Decision Making, in Nonprofit Enterprise in the Arts 245-69 (P. Dimaggio ed. 1986
[6] Harris, John, Janet Hunter, and Colin Lewis, eds. The New Institutional Economics and Third World Development. New York: Routledge, 1995.
[7] Stiglitz, Joseph. Globalization and its Discontents. New York: Penguin Books, 2002.
[8] Van der Hoeven, Rolph, and Gyorgy Sziraczki, eds. Lessons from Privatization: Labour Issues in Developing and Transitional Countries. Geneva: International Labour Office, 1997.
[9] Lindenberg, Marc, and Noel Ramirez, eds. Managing Adjustment in Developing Countries. San Francisco: International Center for Economic Growth, 1989.

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